By Michael Emerson, Kristina Kausch, Richard Youngs
The e-book takes inventory of the evolution of political regimes in nations stretching from the previous Soviet Union to the Arab Mediterranean global. It analyzes the plight of the hopes for democratization during this zone because the "color revolutions" of 2004 and 2005 (a wave of as a rule nonviolent, democracy-advocating protests opposed to authoritarian governments), and the most important explanations of development and regress obvious within the quarter.
Contributors contain Gergana Noutcheva (CEPS, Brussels), Alina Mundei Pippidi (Hertie tuition of Governance, Berlin), Vesna Pesic (member of Parliament, Belgrade), Senem Aydin-Duzgit (CEPS and Bilgi college, Istanbul), Elena Klitsounova (Center for Integration examine and tasks, St. Petersberg), Leyla Alieva (Center for nationwide and foreign reports, Baku), Hakin Darbouche (Oxford Institute for power Studies), Alexander Bogomolov (Maidan, Kyiv), Richard Giragosian (Armenian middle for nationwide and foreign experiences, Yerevan), George Khutsishvili (International heart on clash and Negotiation, Tbilisi), Salam Kawakibi (Paris), Neil Melvin (Energy constitution Secretariat, Brussels), Nicu Popescu (European Council for international Relations), Dina Shehata (Al-Ahram middle for Political & Strategic stories, Cairo), and Balazs Jarabik (Pact Ukraine).
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Additional info for DEMOCRACY’S PLIGHT IN THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD
Serbia remains a highly-centralised country, a feature that has become an obstacle to deeper democratisation and economic development. There is a huge and growing gap in development between north and southeast Serbia: the ratio in economic wealth between the developed and undeveloped part of the country is 7:1. Among Serbia’s key failures in democratisation are the lack of ruleof-law and weak countervailing institutions. These weaknesses are connected with widespread and systemic corruption. From 2002-2006, Serbia made some progress in fighting corruption by passing new laws on regulatory and controlling institutions.
Mr Vantu has so far managed to escape conviction, despite been charged on several counts. He was the patron of Romania’s largest national investment fund (the FNI), a sort of pyramidal game that collapsed in 1999, leaving him with a fortune. Dan Voiculescu, another oligarch in the media landscape, as well as a politician, owns three TV channels, a daily, and a financial weekly that openly wage his political battles for him. The national screening agency for Securitate files, the CNSAS, exposed Mr.
Among the explanatory factors, petro-riches is a factor of some significance, but clearly not at the level of any mono-causal explanation. Among the countries studied, Azerbaijan, Algeria, Kazakhstan and Russia are petro-states, to which Libya could be added. Of all these cases Azerbaijan is the one where our author most stresses the mechanisms by which the petro-riches provide the basis for political control by an authoritarian leadership together with a co-opted elite. The mixing of state control and corruption further serves to solidify the loyalty of a favoured elite, given its potential for the blackmailing of dissenting voices.
DEMOCRACY’S PLIGHT IN THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD by Michael Emerson, Kristina Kausch, Richard Youngs