By Donald Malcolm Reid
Cairo collage has been crucially very important in shaping the nationwide lifetime of twentieth-century Egypt. It has knowledgeable a lot of the political, specialist and cultural elite; medical professionals and attorneys, novelists and philosophers, bankers and major ministers have all studied there. based in 1908 and for a few years competing merely with the non secular al-Azhar, the European-inspired Cairo college speedy grew to become the best indigenous version for different nation universities within the area and its impact has unfold even past the Arab international. Professor Reid has drawn on college records hitherto untapped by means of Western students and on a variety of different Arabic and Western assets. He explains the university's half within the nationwide quest for independence from Britain, within the perennial pressure among secular and non secular global perspectives, and within the push for a extra egalitarian society. Nasser and Sadat, Kings Fuad and Faruq, nationalist hero Saad Zaghlul and Nobel Prize winner Najib Mahfuz, all characteristic prominently during this interesting historical past of Egypt's most vital sleek academic establishment.
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Cairo collage has been crucially vital in shaping the nationwide lifetime of twentieth-century Egypt. It has informed a lot of the political, expert and cultural elite; medical professionals and legal professionals, novelists and philosophers, bankers and major ministers have all studied there. based in 1908 and for a few years competing in simple terms with the spiritual al-Azhar, the European-inspired Cairo collage fast turned the major indigenous version for different country universities within the zone and its impression has unfold even past the Arab international.
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Sisi should do this not only for the sake of saving the country, but also for the sake of saving himself from a fate that w ill marginalize everyone. Freedom of thought and doctrine is linked to a general freedom of speech within an open political environment where people realize their own faults by experience rather than by killing opponents and oppressing and persecuting t hose who carry unpopular thoughts and doctrines. If one contemplates the disastrous conditions of our region, one can understand the emergent extremism and the multilayered roots and causes of its existence and fast spread.
In accordance with Ibn Khaldun’s argument about the relationship between the religious conception of the state and the rational one, t here should have been plenty of scope for agreement between religious and secular democratic forces. Tragically, liberals underestimated the p eople’s desire for security and their willingness to submit even to arbitrary and predatory power in order to achieve it. Their extralegal strategies— protests, boycotts, and, finally, military intervention—gravely undermined the prospects that the emerging government would provide this crucial public good, thus opening the door for the return of the security state.
The Egyptian state, moreover, has gone “all in” b ehind Sisi, making it inconceivable that significant portions of the civilian bureaucratic elite could ally itself with revolutionary groups within civil society. What this essentially means is that unless Sisi succeeds in radically restructuring the Egyptian state, either it w ill eventually implode u nder the weight of its own incompetence and inefficiency, or some kind of revolutionary action w ill overwhelm it again. Sadly, the prospects of a peaceful transition to a better f uture for Egypt are even more remote t oday than they w ere eighteen months ago when this chapter was first published.
Cairo University and the Making of Modern Egypt by Donald Malcolm Reid