By Rudolph Herzog
In the spirit of Dr. Strangelove and The Atomic Café, a blackly sardonic people’s heritage of atomic errors and near-misses revealing the hushed-up and forgotten episodes within which the good powers gambled with catastrophe
Rudolph Herzog, the acclaimed writer of Dead Funny, offers a devastating account of history’s so much irresponsible makes use of of nuclear know-how. From the rarely-discussed nightmare of “Broken Arrows” (40 nuclear guns misplaced in the course of the chilly struggle) to “Operation Plowshare” (a concept to take advantage of nuclear bombs for giant engineering initiatives, comparable to a the development of a moment Panama Canal utilizing three hundred H-Bombs), Herzog focuses in on long-forgotten nuclear initiatives that just about ended in disaster.
In an unparalleled people’s historical past, Herzog digs deep into records, interviews nuclear scientists, and collects dozens of infrequent images. He explores the “accidental” drop of a Nagasaki-type bomb on a teach conductor’s domestic, the implanting of plutonium into patients’ hearts, and the discovery of untamed tactical nukes, together with guns designed to kill enemy astronauts.
Told in a riveting narrative voice, Herzog—the son of filmmaker Werner Herzog—also attracts on formative years stories of the ultimate period of the chilly conflict in Germany, the rustic as soon as visible because the nuclear battleground for NATO and the Warsaw Pact nations, and discusses facts that Nazi scientists knew how you can make atomic weaponry . . . and selected to not.
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Extra resources for A Short History of Nuclear Folly
Consequently, this effect of oil is independent, and does not interact with the effect of a domestic revolution. By contrast, the effect that oil has in lowering the risks to the leader, namely by reducing the risk of domestic punishment for instigating a conflict (especially an unsuccessful one), interacts significantly with the domestic politics of the state. In part, the effect of oil depends on the leader’s ambition and preferences with regard to the existing status quo, which in turn are systematically affected by whether the leader is a revolutionary.
Maoz, 1989, 1996; S. Walt, 1996. 56 40 Petro-Aggression Nonetheless, an appropriate methodology can ensure that even when some measurement error occurs, it does not generate a systematic bias in the analysis. The methodology used for doing so is described in Chapter 4. Does oil income make a state more susceptible to revolution? One might reasonably wonder whether oil causes revolutions, making revolutionary governments more likely to occur in petrostates than in non-petrostates. It is an intriguing question, and I explore it in Chapter 10.
52 A theory of oil, revolution, and conflict 37 the two effects of oil cancel each other out for a non-revolutionary petrostate (X=Y), that is not true in a revolutionary petrostate (Z>Y). The revolutionary petrostate has a conflict propensity equal to 25 percent plus some quantity (Z-Y), the exact magnitude of which must be identified empirically. 1. Questions arising from the theory How do political constraints, accountability, and autonomy relate to each other? One point that deserves emphasis is the relationship between political constraints, political accountability, and political autonomy.
A Short History of Nuclear Folly by Rudolph Herzog